A Madhouse ride can disorient you. It can give the impression that you’re being turned up-side-down, spun into a vortex, or that you’re weightless — without moving your seat more than a few feet. It achieves this effect by changing the background.
I wonder whether we aren’t being “captured” by a similar optical illusion by the Powers-That-Be.
Former Public Protector Thuli Madonsela’s 355-page report addressed (or undressed) the Gupta family’s control of the state. When Jacob Zuma abruptly withdrew his interdictory appeal from the High Court yesterday, which opened the way for the report to be released, I sensed the ANC already knew how to spin the report’s findings (assuming they would not have tampered with it). A paragraph on page 106 of the Report says:
“Mr [Fana] Hlongwane [possibly] has had access to one of my official documents relating to the investigation prior to any correspondence with my office.” Now, he was an Arms’ Deal consultant (who may have been paid R150m for his hard work) and former advisor to Mandela cabinet Defence Minister, Joe Modise, just to give you an idea of the type of access he has.
My sense of the direction in which the ANC’s spin is going was further confirmed by the ANC Women’s League’s response to the Report:
“We hold a firm view that there is a need for a full investigation on state capture,” said Secretary General Meokgo Matuba’s statement. “Any investigation which excludes white monopoly capital is an advancement of white supremacy and serves a racial political agenda that hinders the building of a non-racial society.”
This was planned. Anyway, here are three reasons the race card never gets old.
It converges with and amplifies the party’s response to that other national crisis, the Fees Must Fall protests.
It helps the ANC survive the findings of the State Capture Report, and even let President Jacob Zuma finish his term, by changing the background against which the report’s findings are viewed. One flick of the switch, and suddenly it is not just the ANC but everyone who is guilty of state capture.
Which leads to the third reason. Those families that fall under the umbrella of “white monopoly capital” — often listed by EFF CIC Julius Malema by name — will not let the state expand its state capture investigation beyond the Gupta family, though it was they who arguably started and funded the campaign against corruption in the first place. It is now a game of who blinks first.
The EFF will probably be reabsorbed into the ANC before the 2019 elections. What the ANC does with Zuma in particular will not be as material to the EFF as what the ANC does about the State’s relationship with capital in general, for therein is Zuma’s corruption rooted. This will open the way to nationalisation, the solution the EFF has called for all along as a deterrent to corruption (!), which was why Malema felt it necessary to list the Oppenheimers and Rothschilds in the same breath as the Zuptas.
Is nationalisation a real solution, though? Silly question. Politics isn’t about solutions; it’s about ideologies. It isn’t about substance; it’s about shadows, the “the optics” that legitimise access to obscene power through token gestures and believable Madhouse ride illusions.
They’ll say the land issue can be resolved, albeit indirectly, once white monopoly capital is also under investigation. The increasingly clear connection between apartheid policy and apartheid corruption will make it look irresponsible — corrupt, in fact — of the ANC not to vote with the EFF on the land issue in parliament. The ANC will say its commitment to clean governance has left it no choice but to go down this path. So intentionally or not, Thuli Madonsela’s recommendation for further investigation will prove as terrifying for the Zuptas as they would for a few white families here and abroad.
The DA, in its current form, would have no compelling alternative offer to make the black voting majority in 2019 — a fate for which the Blue Pill peddlers will have no one but themselves to blame. It’s one thing for the DA to be happy living under the 30% ceiling; if, however, it purports to climb beyond that on the back of Zuma’s corruption, it will pull the rug out from under itself with the ANCWL’s help. Again, the ANC need only modify the background against which Zupta state capture is being viewed to make it look like the continuation of something that’s always been there, now made scandalous by race alone. Jacob Zuma’s only sin would have been turning the process in a direction nobody was familiar with — Indian families: the Vivian Reddys, Shabir Shaiks, and ultimately, the Guptas.
The State Capture Report will tip us, not away from Jacob Zuma, but towards the leftist policies his thievery was proxy for (for the connected many) in the absence of post-1994 reparations. Reparations arguably would have lessened the temptation to corruption for ANC cadres. As I’ve said before, the the DA’s mostly-white network of government officials, service providers and constituency yields better results on measurables like clean audits because its individuals never returned what they gained under — or after! — apartheid. Many of its people’s temptation to corruption is lessened because that corruption was never rectified. The normalization of white state capture allowed it to continue seamlessly before and after 1994, a fact that is inadvertently publicized when interference in that pipeline is met with loud cries from the white victimhood gallery.
Prior to 1994, the ANC was set to nationalise key businesses and use state power to effect post-apartheid redress. Was there going to be redress without white people/business losing something in the process? Was there ever going to be a non-corrupt reason the ANC would refrain from changing the status quo and bringing white money to book? Given that the beneficiaries of apartheid were never forced to make reparations, and that the ANC did refrain from changing the status quo, it follows that the ANC was bribed corrupt from Day 1. It also follows that DA-type investigations into ANC corruption will, in the end, undermine the perceived legitimacy of the network the DA itself works for and with — by exposing how and when it interfered with the ANC’s road to nationalisation. That the DA came into existence long after 1994 does not mean it is not shooting itself in the foot. There was nothing wrong with vocally standing for everything the DA claimed to stand for per se, but there was much wrong with their pretending to be innocent newcomers to the game.
The ANC has until now maintained both white supremacy and the corruption many black people turn to for relief from the economic exclusion that comes with white supremacy’s maintenance (two sides of the same coin, really), and the DA should have thought long and hard about what it was prepared to lose for the gratification of upsetting that balance. It wasn’t going to gain anything beyond 30% of the votes because black people aren’t that dumb.
The ANC will present white monopoly capital as a sacrifice of atonement through the same investigative process whereby Zuma could be crucified — a pledge, if you will, to govern well on the black majority’s behalf after 2019. This will be received in good faith by the EFF and its disgruntled black followers. The ANC will do this to demonstrate its righteousness and right to rule, because in its forbearance it left the sins committed before 1994 unpunished. It will also do this to show forth its justice at that opportune moment, so as to be just and the justifier of those its members who participated in corruption until now, to whom amnesty will be extended (Romans 3:25 — 26 paraphrased, because religion is politics and the ANC is its shrewd and omnisapient God).
It is fitting that the party’s “Hail Mary” will be nothing less spectacular than Christ and him crucified: Zuma, the racial lamb who bears the racist sin of the country put up on the cross where it is not he, but his accusers, whose naked shame is lifted up for the world to marvel at. And on the third day he will rise again to rule and reign forevermore.
For the DA’s job description has been pinning South Africa’s troubles on the ANC in order to deflect attention from any narrative in which the ANC’s current wrongs were contained in, explained and produced by white supremacy. It has been to offer the contrary explanation in which it is the ANC’s wrongs that worsen the legacy of apartheid (which is never used to expose the DA network’s advantage). But when the ANC is the primary explanation for its own corruption, seen in isolation from what catalysed it, it will accidentally feed into a narrative in which black incompetence and corruption exist not alongside white criminality, but within black people as a comment on them as human beings.
This, the majority of black voters will not tolerate. They would rather vicariously rule another million years in the hell South Africa has been than be pulled up to serve and worship in white heaven. So they’ll vote ANC-EFF in 2019 and continue waiting for Jesus to return.
Siya Khumalo has gone from working on a book to having the book work on him. Please follow and retweet on @SKhumalo1987, thank you.